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Theme 39 of 43

Justice, Audit Courts and the Cost of the Judiciary

92% of everything Brazil's state courts spend goes to personnel — and the Federal District spends 6.9 times more per inhabitant than Ceará.

Brazil's National Justice Council publishes, court by court, the spending structure of the judiciary: what it costs, on what, and with how many people. It is one of the few registries in which a branch of government details its own expenditure at a level comparable across states. Combined with data from state audit courts and the council's administrative-misconduct registry, it allows a rarely quantified question to be answered: what does the cost of justice in Brazil actually track — population size, caseload demand, or each state's fiscal capacity to sustain its own structure?

Nine of every ten judiciary reais go to people

Across state courts, the average share of human-resources spending in total expenditure is 92.0%. That includes judges, staff, outsourced workers, interns, retirees and pensioners. On average, 8% is left for everything else: buildings, systems, digitisation, maintenance, expansion of judicial districts. The staffing structure behind that figure is 41,664 filled judgeships, 526,770 staff and 128,498 outsourced workers — roughly 13 staff and 3 outsourced workers per judge.

Personnel and spending composition of state courts (CNJ, 2021)
IndicatorValue
Average share of HR spending92.0%
Filled judgeships41,664
Staff526,770
Outsourced workers128,498
Staff per judge~13
Remaining for operations and investment~8%

With 92% of the budget locked into personnel, any judiciary modernisation policy competes for room inside the remaining 8%.

The per-capita cost of justice varies 6.9-fold across states

State-court spending per inhabitant ranges from R$ 143 in Ceará to R$ 989 in the Federal District — a 6.9-fold spread between extremes. Rondônia (R$ 572), Mato Grosso (R$ 449) and Roraima (R$ 433) sit at the top, while Pará (R$ 159), Maranhão (R$ 185) and Amazonas (R$ 194) sit at the bottom. The distribution tracks neither income nor population: small, low-density states tend to cost more per inhabitant because the minimum structure of a judicial district does not shrink proportionally with the number of residents.

State-court spending per inhabitant (CNJ, 2021)
StateR$ per inhabitantHR share of spending
Federal District98997.0%
Rondônia57285.9%
Mato Grosso44989.7%
Roraima43392.3%
Amapá41688.7%
Amazonas194
Maranhão185
Pará159
Ceará143

A Federal District resident costs the state judiciary nearly seven times what a Ceará resident costs — without that meaning seven times more access.

Where spending is highest, personnel absorbs the most

The two indicators are not independent. The Federal District, top in per-capita spending, is also the one that commits the most budget to personnel: 97.0%, leaving three cents of every real for anything other than payroll. Rondônia, second in per-capita spending, has the lowest HR share among the top states (85.9%), meaning comparatively more room for operations and investment. The correlation suggests high per-capita spending rarely reflects better judicial infrastructure — it mostly reflects a larger payroll spread across fewer inhabitants.

Room outside payroll in the highest per-capita-spending states
StateSpending per inhabitantLeft outside payroll
Federal DistrictR$ 9893.0%
RoraimaR$ 4337.7%
Mato GrossoR$ 44910.3%
AmapáR$ 41611.3%
RondôniaR$ 57214.1%

In the Federal District, 3 cents of every judiciary real are left for buildings, systems and digitisation — the rest is payroll.

Powerful cross-references

Explanatory hypotheses

The rigidity of judiciary personnel spending stems from constitutional guarantees — irreducible salaries, tenure, a dedicated pension regime — that make payroll practically incompressible in the short run. That produces a budget in which the adjustment variable is always investment rather than current spending, helping explain why digitisation and district expansion advance unevenly across courts. The variation in per-capita cost, in turn, reflects a classic economy-of-scale problem in territorially distributed public services: keeping a judicial district running requires a minimum structure independent of how many people it serves, penalising sparsely populated states.

Public policy implications

If 92% of the budget is payroll and payroll is rigid, efficiency gains in the judiciary depend more on process redesign — digitisation, district consolidation, consensual resolution — than on budget increases. The 6.9-fold variation in per-capita cost suggests room for regional consortia and shared districts in low-density states, where minimum structures are currently replicated municipality by municipality. And routinely publishing the non-payroll spending indicator, rather than only the total, would make visible which courts actually have capacity to invest in access to justice.